At the proposal of the Russian Imperial
Government, made through the minister of the Emperor residing here,
a full power and instructions have been transmitted to the minister
of the United States at St. Petersburg to arrange by amicable
negotiation the respective rights and interests of the two nations
on the northwest coast of this continent. A similar proposal has
been made by His Imperial Majesty to the Government of Great
Britain, which has likewise been acceded to. The Government of the
United States has been desirous by this friendly proceeding of
manifesting the great value which they have invariably attached to
the friendship of the Emperor and their solicitude to cultivate the
best understanding with his Government. In the discussions to which
this interest has given rise and in the arrangements by which they
may terminate the occasion has been judged proper for asserting, as
a principle in which the rights and interests of the United States
are involved, that the American continents, by the free and
independent condition which they have assumed and maintain, are
henceforth not to be considered as subjects for future colonization
by any European powers. . .
It was stated at the commencement of the last session that a great effort
was then making in Spain and Portugal to improve the condition of
the people of those countries, and that it appeared to be conducted
with extraordinary moderation. It need scarcely be remarked that the
results have been so far very different from what was then
anticipated. Of events in that quarter of the globe, with which we
have so much intercourse and from which we derive our origin, we
have always been anxious and interested spectators. The citizens of
the United States cherish sentiments the most friendly in favor of
the liberty and happiness of their fellow-men on that side of the
Atlantic. In the wars of the European powers in matters relating to
themselves we have never taken any part, nor does it comport with
our policy to do so. It is only when our rights are invaded or
seriously menaced that we resent injuries or make preparation for
our defense. With the movements in this hemisphere we are of
necessity more immediately connected, and by causes which must be
obvious to all enlightened and impartial observers. The political
system of the allied powers is essentially different in this respect
from that of America. This difference proceeds from that which
exists in their respective Governments; and to the defense of our
own, which has been achieved by the loss of so much blood and
treasure, and matured by the wisdom of their most enlightened
citizens, and under which we have enjoyed unexampled felicity, this
whole nation is devoted. We owe it, therefore, to candor and to the
amicable relations existing between the United States and those
powers to declare that we should consider any attempt on their part
to extend their system to any portion of this hemisphere as
dangerous to our peace and safety. With the existing colonies or
dependencies of any European power we have not interfered and shall
not interfere. But with the Governments who have declared their
independence and maintain it, and whose independence we have, on
great consideration and on just principles, acknowledged, we could
not view any interposition for the purpose of oppressing them, or
controlling in any other manner their destiny, by any European power
in any other light than as the manifestation of an unfriendly
disposition toward the United States. In the war between those new
Governments and Spain we declared our neutrality at the time of
their recognition, and to this we have adhered, and shall continue
to adhere, provided no change shall occur which, in the judgement of
the competent authorities of this Government, shall make a
corresponding change on the part of the United States indispensable
to their security.
The late events in Spain and Portugal shew
that Europe is still unsettled. Of this important fact no stronger
proof can be adduced than that the allied powers should have thought
it proper, on any principle satisfactory to themselves, to have
interposed by force in the internal concerns of Spain. To what
extent such interposition may be carried, on the same principle, is
a question in which all independent powers whose governments differ
from theirs are interested, even those most remote, and surely none
of them more so than the United States. Our policy in regard to
Europe, which was adopted at an early stage of the wars which have
so long agitated that quarter of the globe, nevertheless remains the
same, which is, not to interfere in the internal concerns of any of
its powers; to consider the government de facto as the legitimate
government for us; to cultivate friendly relations with it, and to
preserve those relations by a frank, firm, and manly policy, meeting
in all instances the just claims of every power, submitting to
injuries from none. But in regard to those continents circumstances
are eminently and conspicuously different. It is impossible that the
allied powers should extend their political system to any portion of
either continent without endangering our peace and happiness; nor
can anyone believe that our southern brethren, if left to
themselves, would adopt it of their own accord. It is equally
impossible, therefore, that we should behold such interposition in
any form with indifference. If we look to the comparative strength
and resources of Spain and those new Governments, and their distance
from each other, it must be obvious that she can never subdue them.
It is still the true policy of the United States to leave the
parties to themselves, in hope that other powers will pursue the
same course.